During
the past couple of years, I’ve focused on the part of Europe which is
very serious about defense, namely, Northern Europe. The Danes, the
Norwegians, the Swedes and the Finns, all have refocused efforts on
defense of their nations, but they’ve done so in a broader regional
context.
As my colleague Harald Malmgren put it in his analyses of the evolution of Europe:
A
new “cluster” of European nations with a common security objective has
quietly emerged recently in the form of focused military cooperation and
coordination among the Nordic nations, Poland, the Baltic States, and
the UK. This cluster is operating in close cooperation with the US
military. The Danes, Norwegians, the Swedes and Finns are cooperating
closely together on defense matters. Enhanced cooperation is a response
to fears of Russian incursions, which are not new, but have roots in
centuries of Russian interaction with Northern Europe.
During
my most recent visit to Norway in April, I discussed the upsurge in
cooperation of the five-member Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO)
states. Its members are Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden.
As
one Norwegian senior analyst put it during my visit: “How far can we
take our NORDEFCO cooperation? We now have a mission paper which extends
our framework of cooperation through 2020, and we are working a new one
which extends the horizon to 2025.”
The members are working on an “easy access agreement” whereby the forces of the member states can cross borders easily to collaborate in exercises or in a crisis.
During my visit to Bodø Airbase on April 25, 2018, I
discussed the cross border air training which Norway is doing with
Finland and Sweden. Norway is a member of NATO; Finland and Sweden are
not (though both states cooperate with NATO).
The
day I was there, I saw four F-16s take off from Bodø and fly south
towards Ørland airbase to participate in an air defense exercise. The
day before this event, the Norwegians contacted the Swedes and invited
them to send aircraft to the exercise, and they did so. The day before
is really the point. This is a dramatic change from the 1990s, when the
Swedes would not allow entering their airspace by the Norwegians or
Finns without prior diplomatic approval.
Maj.
Trond Ertsgaard, senior operational planner and fighter pilot from the
132 Air Wing, provided an overview to the standup and the evolution of
this significant working relationship. The core point is that it is
being done without a complicated day-to-day diplomatic effort: “In the
1970s, there was limited cooperation. We got to know each other, and our
bases, to be able to divert in case of emergency or other
contingencies. But there was no operational or tactical cooperation. The
focus was on safety; not operational training.”
By
the 1990s, there was enhanced cooperation, but it was limited to a
small set of flying issues, rather than operational training. As
Ertsgaard noted: “But when the Swedes got the Gripen, this opened the
aperture, as the plane was designed to be more easily integrated with
NATO standards.”
Then
in the Fall of 2008, there was a meeting of the squadrons and wing
commanders from the Finnish, Swedish and Norwegian airbases to discuss
ways to develop cooperation among the squadrons operating from national
bases. The discussion was rooted on the national air forces operating
from their own bases and simply cooperating in shared combat air space.
This would mean that the normal costs of hosting an exercise would not
be necessary, as each air force would return to its own operating base
at the end of the engagement.
The
CBT started between Sweden and Norway in 2009 and then the Finns joined
in 2010. By 2011, Ertsgaard highlighted that “we were operating at a
level of an event a week. And by 2012, we engaged in about 90 events at
the CBT level.”
That
created a template which allowed for cost effective and regular
training and laid the foundation for then hosting a periodic two-week
exercise where they could invite nations to participate in air defense
exercises in the region. From 2015 on, the three air forces have shaped a
regular training approach, which is very flexible and driven at the
wing and squadron level.
“We
meet each November, and set the schedule for the next year, but in
execution it is very, very flexible. It is about a bottom-up approach
and initiative to generate the training regime,” Ertsgaard said.
The
impact on Sweden and Finland has been significant in terms of learning
NATO standards and having an enhanced capability to cooperate with NATO
air forces.
The
air space they are operating in is very significant as well. Europe is
not loaded with good training ranges. The range being used for CBT is
very large and is not cluttered, which allows for great training
opportunities for the three nations, as well as those who fly to Arctic
Challenge or other training events. And the range includes land portions
so there is an opportunity for multi-domain operational training as
well.
What
is most impressive can be put simply: CBT was invented by the units and
the wing commanders and squadron pilots. The CBT led to the launching
of the Arctic Challenge Exercise. This exercise, last held in 2017, has
seen both the regional air forces and partner air forces engage in a
major training exercise in the region as well.
According
to the US Department of Defense, the Arctic Challenge exercise in 2017,
“aims at building relationships and increasing interoperability, and
includes participants from the U.S., Finland, Sweden, Norway, the United
Kingdom, Germany, France, Belgium, Switzerland, Canada and the
Netherlands, as well as representatives from NATO.”
During
my visit to Finland in February of this year, the Finnish side of the
story was highlighted in a discussion with former Chief of Staff of the
Finnish Air Force, Lt. Gen. Kim Jäämeri, who is now deputy Chief of
Staff of strategy for the Finnish Defence Forces: “We have enhanced our
focus on crisis management and the role of the military within overall
crisis management. We have increased our investments in force readiness.
With regard to our partners, their enhanced focus of attention on
defense, whether it be the actions of Sweden, Norway or Denmark in the
region, or by the United States within NATO with regard to the
EDI-related investments, has been appreciated. And as we expand our
exercise regime, we are cross-learning with regard to capabilities
necessary for our defense. You have to leverage your partnerships more
to enhance crisis stability.”
In
short, the Russians have had a key impact in revitalizing the Nordic
countries’ defense postures. Let us hope the allies of the Northern
European states interact with and support this strategic opportunity for
shaping an effective extended deterrence strategy and for the defense
of the region and beyond.
As
Keith Eikenes, director for security policy and operations in the
Norwegian Minister of Defence, put it in my final interview during my
recent stay in Norway: “What type of assets, forces, structures, and
cooperation with allies do we need in order to have effective deterrence
in the future? We must never lose sight of the fact that what we are
trying to do is actually avoid a conflict. Getting the deterrence piece
will be extremely important to shaping a way ahead.”
Given
the strategic location of the air space in which CBT training and the
Arctic Challenge Exercise is occurring, it is a key part of working
deterrence in depth in the region and beyond.
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